Following the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire after World War I, Austria emerged as a fledgling republic grappling with economic hardship, social unrest, and a fragmented political scene. The fragile democracy of the interwar years, plagued by instability and ideological conflict, gave way to authoritarianism under Dollfuss and ultimately succumbed to the totalitarian grip of Nazi Germany.
Out of many political forces of the post-WWI Austrian, only four of them may be considered as precursors of the major political parties today:
- Social Democratic Workers’ Party of Austria (SDAPD): Championing the interests of the working class, the SDAP rose to prominence in Vienna, implementing social reforms and establishing the era of “Red Vienna,” characterized by its commitment to public housing, healthcare, and social services.
- Christian Social Party (CSP): Representing a more conservative faction, the CSP drew its support from Catholic circles, the peasantry, and parts of the business community. It advocated for traditional values and a strong role for the Catholic Church in public life.
- Communist Party of Austria (KPÖ): Inspired by the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, the KPÖ, though smaller in influence compared to the SDAP, sought to advance the hardline Marxist agenda.
- Landbund (Land League): Positioned on the far-right, the Landbund espoused a nationalist and anti-Semitic ideology, advocating for a strong authoritarian state and a return to traditional social hierarchies.
These parties, often at odds with each other, reflected the deep ideological divisions that characterized Austrian society during the First Republic. However the year 1934 marked a turning point in Austrian history. Engulfed in economic crisis and political turmoil, Austria witnessed the rise of Engelbert Dollfuss and his brand of authoritarianism, often referred to as Austrofascism.
Following the hostilities between the paramilitary groups backed by different political parties, Dollfuss moved swiftly to consolidate power, outlawing all political parties and replacing them with a single party state under the banner of the “Fatherland Front.”
The SDAP, facing persecution and suppression, was forced underground. The KPÖ, deemed a threat by the Dollfuss regime, was also banned, with some members seeking refuge in the Soviet Union. The CSP, while initially supportive of Dollfuss’ authoritarian turn, eventually saw its influence diminish as the regime tightened its grip on power.
The Austrofascist era proved short-lived. In 1938, Nazi Germany, under Adolf Hitler, annexed Austria in an event known as the Anschluss. Austria, stripped of its sovereignty, became a province of Nazi Germany, renamed “Ostmark”. The Nazi Party became the sole legal political entity, imposing its ideology and policies on the Austrian population. A significant portion of the Austrian population, estimated at around 500,000, joined the Nazi Party, highlighting the appeal of Hitler’s ideology and the extent of Nazi influence within Austrian society.
With the imposition of Nazi rule, any semblance of independent Austrian political life ceased to exist. The pre-war parties, already suppressed under Dollfuss, were completely eradicated, their leaders either imprisoned, exiled, or forced into hiding. But the tradition and ideological platforms reemerged albeit under different names after the World War II.
On the Ashes of World War II
In April 1945, amidst the ruins of World War II, Austria took a momentous step towards reclaiming its sovereignty. Just days after the bitter Battle of Vienna ended, Austria’s provisional government, led by the veteran Social Democrat Karl Renner, convened parliament and issued a Declaration of Independence. This symbolic act aimed to restore the democratic principles enshrined in the 1920 constitution and signal a decisive break from the dark chapter of Nazi rule.
However, the path to reclaiming Austrian democracy was shadowed by the looming presence of the Allied powers. The country found itself divided into four zones of occupation, each administered by one of the victorious Allied powers: the United States, the Soviet Union, Great Britain and France. Vienna, the capital, was similarly partitioned, with the first district designated as an international zone.
This division reflected the delicate geopolitical balance of the early Cold War. While all Allied powers publicly endorsed the restoration of a free and independent Austria, as stipulated in the 1943 Moscow Declaration, the reality on the ground was far more complicated. The Soviet Union, in particular, saw Austria as a potential buffer state and sought to exert its influence through the re-established Communist Party of Austria (KPÖ).
The KPÖ, which had been banned under Austrofascist rule, was resurrected in mid-April 1945 with the return of its leaders from exile in Moscow. The Soviets supported the KPÖ’s newspapers, such as Osterreichische Volksstimme and Osterreichische Zeitung, which unsurprisingly promoted pro-communist viewpoints.
The USSR and the KPÖ
The sources describe the link between the USSR and the KPÖ as one of support and influence. After World War II, the USSR occupied parts of Austria, including a portion of Vienna. The Soviets used this opportunity to provide humanitarian aid, such as grain and peas, with the aim of promoting the Communist ideology and demonstrating the supposed advantages of a socialist system. But despite Soviet backing and their efforts to showcase the benefits of communism through humanitarian aid, the KPÖ only garnered a little over 5% of the vote in the 1945 elections, a result that disappointed the Soviets, who had hoped for a much larger share.
Despite the KPÖ’s poor showing in the 1945 election, the party’s leaders remained ambitious, aiming to eventually seize control of Austria. This ambition went against Stalin’s vision, which envisioned an independent and neutral Austria, not a communist satellite state. Declassified CIA documents reveal that the KPÖ planned to instigate and then take control of public protests in an attempt to destabilize the Austrian government.
The KPÖ, though securing a meager 5% in the 1945 elections, remained determined to gain control. Their strategy, as revealed in declassified CIA documents, revolved around a two-pronged approach: instigating public unrest and then assuming leadership of these movements. The tactic, already employed previously, aimed to destabilize the fragile Austrian government and portray the KPÖ as champions of the downtrodden. This strategy, however, alarmed the other Allied powers, who viewed it as a blatant power grab, particularly in the context of communist takeovers in Czechoslovakia in 1948.
The CIA and SPÖ
Facing this communist threat, a prominent SPÖ member, Franz Olah, took decisive action. Recognizing the potential for the KPÖ to exploit the vacuum left by the eventual withdrawal of Allied forces, Olah approached the Americans for support in forming a clandestine resistance organization. This secret paramilitary unit, armed and trained with the CIA’s backing, was tasked with a critical mission: to counter the KPÖ’s subversive activities and prevent a communist coup.
This clandestine organization established hidden caches of weapons, ammunition, and equipment across Austria, even within the Soviet zone of occupation. These concealed stockpiles, intended to support partisan operations, were carefully hidden and their locations known only to a select few.
The organization’s moment of truth came in the autumn of 1950. Amidst an economic crisis fueled by soaring prices and stagnating wages, Austria faced widespread labor strikes. The KPÖ, true to their strategy, seized the opportunity, escalating the unrest by disrupting transportation networks and occupying key infrastructure. The situation grew increasingly tense, with the potential for the strikes to spiral into full-blown insurrection.
It was during these tense days that Olah’s clandestine force went into action and engaged in street battles with KPÖ members and their youth organizations. This armed resistance, while largely hidden from public view, played a crucial role in stemming the tide of communist-led unrest.
However, it was not solely the efforts of the SPÖ and CIA-backed resistance that thwarted the KPÖ’s ambitions. A decisive intervention from Moscow proved instrumental in quelling the unrest. Alarmed by the escalating situation and fearing a wider confrontation with the Western Allies, Stalin dispatched an envoy to Vienna. This envoy, according to declassified CIA documents, directly instructed the KPÖ leadership to stand down, reiterating that the Soviet Union did not support a communist takeover of Austria
The October 1950 strikes ultimately subsided, marking a significant defeat for the KPÖ. Olah’s organization, having proven its worth, garnered increased support from the CIA, eventually adopting the guise of a seemingly innocuous “hiking and sports club” as a cover for their clandestine activities
The Emergence of FPÖ
In the immediate aftermath of World War II, Austria’s political landscape was comprised by three main factions: the communists (KPÖ), the socialists (SPÖ), and the center-right People’s Party (ÖVP). Notably absent was a party explicitly catering to the segment of the population that had supported the Nazi regime or espoused German nationalist sentiments. These individuals, though initially excluded from political participation, represented a significant demographic.
1948, however, witnessed a significant change in electoral rights of the former NSDAP members, which paved the way for the re-emergence of this “third camp” into Austrian politics. An amnesty law, passed that year, pardoned the vast majority of former Nazi Party members, restoring their civil rights and enabling their reintegration into society.
This amnesty created a political void, a substantial voting bloc without a clear party to champion its interests. The SPÖ and ÖVP, vying for this demographic’s support, launched campaigns to woo them, but eventually it was a different entity that filled this vacuum: the Association of Independents (VdU).
Founded in 1949 by two liberal journalists, both former prisoners of the Nazi regime, the VdU initially sought to offer an alternative to the existing political spectrum. Their aim was to create a space for those who felt disaffected by both the left and the center-right. However, the influx of former Nazis and German nationalists into the VdU’s ranks gradually shifted the party’s orientation. While initially conceived as a liberal movement, the VdU found itself increasingly drawn towards a more nationalist, and some would argue, revisionist, stance under the influence of its new members.
The party was successful and collected more than 11% at its first elections in 1949 under the name Wahlpartei: a remarkable success for a newly established political movement. However, VdU struggled with identity due to presence of both the liberal and German-nationalist bloc within its ranks, which expanded their influence in the party.
This shift culminated in 1956 with the transformation of the VdU into the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) under the leadership of Anton Reinthaller: a former member of the ultra-conservative Landbund, a former Nazi minister of Agriculture, and an ex-SS member. Under Reinthaller’s leadership, the FPÖ solidified its position as the voice of Austria’s “third camp,” appealing to those who harbored nationalist sentiments or felt disaffected by the dominant political forces. The party’s platform reflected this orientation, advocating for a strong national identity and a closer relationship with Germany.
This stance, while resonating with a segment of the population, also raised concerns about the FPÖ’s relationship with Austria’s Nazi past and its commitment to democratic values. The FPÖ’s emergence as a political force marked a significant development in post-war Austria, highlighting the enduring legacy of the Nazi era and the challenges of national reconciliation. The party’s trajectory, from its origins as a liberal alternative to its transformation into a nationalist force, underscores the complexities of Austrian identity in the shadow of its past.
The present of Austrian political parties
The year 1955 marked a turning point for Austria. After years of negotiations, the Austrian State Treaty (Staatsvertrag) was signed, granting the country full independence and paving the way for the withdrawal of Allied troops. The treaty, however, came with a price: Austria was obligated to maintain neutrality, forgoing any future political or military alliances.
The parties that emerged from the ashes of World War II—the Social Democratic Party of Austria (SPÖ), the Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP), and the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ)—remain central figures in contemporary Austrian politics. Their present-day stances reflect, to varying degrees, the historical circumstances that shaped their formation and evolution.
The SPÖ, once synonymous with the “Red Vienna” era and its championing of social welfare and workers’ rights, now faces an uncertain future. The party, which was once the dominant political force has experienced a decline in electoral support, mirroring a broader trend affecting social democratic parties across Europe. This decline can be attributed, in part, to the changing demographics of the electorate and the waning influence of traditional labor unions.
The ÖVP, traditionally representing business interests and Catholic conservatives, has historically sought to distance itself from its association with Austrofascism in the 1930s. In the post-war period, emphasized its commitment to democratic values and sought to build a broad coalition against communism. This pragmatic approach has continued to define the ÖVP’s political strategy, often leading them to form coalitions with either the SPÖ or, more recently and controversially, the FPÖ.
The FPÖ, born out of the VdU and shaped by its complex relationship with Austria’s Nazi past, has undergone a significant transformation since its emergence in the 1950s. While initially espousing a mix of liberal and nationalist ideals, the FPÖ gradually shifted towards a more explicitly right-wing populist platform. This move, fueled by concerns over immigration, globalization, and the perceived erosion of Austrian identity, has resonated with a segment of the electorate.
Adding another layer to this political landscape is the Liberal Forum (LIF), currently known as NEOS. This party, formed in 1993, represents a splinter group that broke away from the FPÖ. This split occurred as the FPÖ embraced a more hardline populist stance, alienating some members who adhered to more liberal values. The LIF’s existence highlights the internal tensions and ideological diversity that have characterized the FPÖ’s history.
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